Independent New Hampshire Journalism · Northfield, NHCorrection, Sept. 22, 2026, 9:30 p.m. EDT: An earlier version of this explainer introduced the arguments for and against HB 172 as coming from “NHPR and related sources.” NHPR’s report on the bill carries the sponsor’s argument and one voter’s informed-choice objection; it does not contain the predictability or “skewing” arguments, which belong to the wider debate over open and closed primaries. The earlier version also said the regular deadline for changing party registration falls “months in advance” with no citation, and concluded that the question “is going to be litigated in law,” though HB 172 was a bill and no litigation followed. Those passages were corrected on Sept. 19, 2026, along with the addition of the bill’s introduction date and docket, the RSA 654:34, IV cutoff and the 2026 law that moves it, and a link to this report’s companion; a Facebook link missing its https:// prefix was also repaired. Those changes went live without a note. This note records them.
HB 172: What It Is & Why It Matters
What the Bill Would Do
HB 172 is a 2025 House Bill proposed by Republican lawmakers in New Hampshire, officially titled “Restricting undeclared voters from same-day voting in a presidential or state primary.”
Key provisions:
- It would prohibit undeclared (i.e. unaffiliated) voters from changing their party affiliation on the same day as a primary in order to vote in that primary. Under RSA 654:34, II(b), an undeclared voter can show up on primary day, register with either major party at the polling place, vote in that party’s primary, then return to undeclared status before leaving. HB 172 would have repealed that paragraph.
- Under the bill, undeclared voters would have had to join a party before the regular deadline to vote in its primary. For the state primary, RSA 654:34, IV bars party changes from the first Wednesday in June until the day before the primary. A 2026 law moves that cutoff to the first Friday in March, effective Jan. 1, 2028.
- It preserves same-day registration for new and first-time voters, so the change would not block people who are just registering for the first time from voting in primaries if they do so on the day.
Who Sponsored It & Its Status
- Prime Sponsor: Rep. John Sellers (R) of Bristol. There are several co-sponsors, all Republicans.
- Legislative Path & Outcome:
- Introduced Jan. 8, 2025, and referred to the House Election Law Committee (bill docket).
- There was a public hearing in February; the House Election Law Committee held an Executive Session on Feb. 18.
- The committee voted unanimously (17-0) that it was “Inexpedient to Legislate.” That means the committee recommended against moving the bill forward.
- On March 26, 2025, the full House adopted a motion declaring HB 172 “Inexpedient to Legislate,” effectively killing the bill for that session.
Arguments For & Against
Here are the main arguments on both sides. The sponsor’s case and the informed-choice objection come from NHPR’s report on the bill, which quoted Rep. John Sellers and Concord voter Dale Vincent. The others are common arguments in the wider debate over open and closed primaries.
Proponents Say:
- Protecting party integrity / avoiding “raid” voting: Supporters argue that allowing undeclared voters to pick a party on primary day opens the door for people from one party to participate in the other party’s primary to influence outcomes (e.g. to hurt the stronger candidate or to pick one considered weaker in general election). HB 172 supporters frame this as defending the meaning of primary elections—i.e. nominating contests among those who are members or aligned.
- Predictability & stability: By requiring voters to choose parties by deadlines, the thinking is that election planning, candidate strategy, and party operations are more stable and less subject to last-minute shifts in who shows up. Those shifts are harder to anticipate under the existing same-day flexibility.
Opponents Say:
- Limits voter choice / informed decision-making: Many undeclared voters take advantage of the current rule to see primary ballots in both parties (or to evaluate both sides) before making up their mind. Opponents say HB 172 would force people to commit earlier, sometimes before hearing about the full slate of candidates.
- Disenfranchisement concerns: For many long-time undeclared voters (some for decades), the ability to switch temporarily at the polls is part of how they exercise political judgment. Removing that option may be seen as cutting off a major part of the electorate’s voice.
- “Skewing” concerns from either side: Some argue that this bill is more about limiting participation in primaries where undeclared voters might benefit one party, rather than genuine concern about fairness.
Relevance to the Trend of Leaving Party Labels
HB 172 is a concrete legislative attempt to push back against what many see as voters strategically using undeclared status to keep options open. It serves as a test case: how far will institutions adjust to, or limit, the flexibility that undeclared registration provides? The bill shows that the growth of undeclared registration has already prompted efforts in the State House to redraw the boundaries of that status.
Where HB 172 Fits Into the Big Picture
This bill’s rise and fall reveal several important things about the current electoral and political climate in New Hampshire:
- Recognition that undeclared voters are a large, consequential bloc. Sponsors (and opponents) treat undeclared voters not as a marginal curiosity but as a group whose behavior in primaries matters enough to provoke legislative action. The fact that more than 386,000 New Hampshire voters in 2024 were undeclared is cited by NHPR in coverage of the bill.
- Pushback against flexible affiliation is politically feasible, but not always successful. HB 172 was unanimously voted “inexpedient to legislate” by its committee, meaning that even in a legislature where one party is proposing the change, there was enough cross-concern or resistance to block it. That suggests that many lawmakers, even within the majority party, see value (or at least risk in eliminating) the flexibility undeclared voters have.
- Uneven pressure points. The bill tries to limit same-day changes by undeclared voters, but it stops short of eliminating undeclared status itself. It preserves same-day registration for new/first-time voters. That shows a mix: legislators are aware of both political cost and constitutional / practical constraints. The attempt is narrow, focused on affiliation timing, rather than a wholesale refashioning of party-registration law.
- Symbolic and electoral importance. Even though HB 172 did not pass, its existence sends a message: for some political actors, undeclared voters are too “wild” to allow to shift in and out of party primaries on a whim. That has implications for future bills, for campaign strategy (especially around deadlines), and for messaging designed to court undeclared voters.
Revisiting Prior Sections in Light of HB 172
This explainer is a companion to Granite State Report’s New Hampshire’s Undeclared Voters: The Shift Away from Labels. Here is how HB 172 bears on three of its sections:
- On policy fights (Section 8 of that report): HB 172, filed in January 2025, is a clear example of lawmakers trying to limit undeclared voters’ flexibility. Some legislators see undeclared status as a door to strategic or opportunistic voting, not only as a feature of New Hampshire’s election rules.
- When considering message to campaigns (Sec. 9), the bill suggests that campaigns should also monitor deadlines and voter registration flows very carefully. If similar bills emerge, deadlines might be moved earlier, so winning over undeclared voters earlier in the cycle could become even more decisive.
- On reform ideas (Sec. 10): HB 172 reveals that tightening affiliation windows is not just theoretical; it’s being pursued. It shows how proposed reforms can target specific edges of the system that undeclared voters currently exploit: same-day changes. Campaigns and advocates may need to prepare for possible future bills that are even more restrictive.
Updated Implications & Possible Scenarios
Given the fate of HB 172 and how it was received, here are possible scenarios for future election cycles:
| Scenario | What Could Change | What Undeclared Voters Might Do |
|---|---|---|
| More bills like HB 172 (with narrowly tailored restrictions) | Lawmakers might try slightly different language: restrict same-day party switching only for primaries; maybe require deadlines weeks rather than months; possibly exceptions for first-time voters etc. | Undeclared voters may push for public awareness campaigns; they may shift behavior to declare earlier or wait to see bills pass/fail; might increase political pressure on those sponsoring these kinds of bills. |
| HB 172-like provisions succeed in future | Same-day switching could be eliminated; primaries become more closed in practice; party identifiers regain weight, since people would need to commit ahead. | Reduced flexibility may push some undecided voters to stay undeclared but skip primaries, or decide late but be locked out; campaigns would have to reach them earlier, possibly with broader “pledge” style outreach. |
| No more restrictions, or reversal of proposals | Current semi-open primary status preserved; undeclared status remains flexible; maybe even expansions of access or transparency around deadlines. | Undeclared voters retain leverage; political culture continues to reward non-partisan identification; possibly more pressure on major parties to moderate to appeal to this large group. |
Conclusion (with HB 172 in View)
The debate over HB 172 shows that New Hampshire’s shift away from party labels is a question for lawmakers as well as a cultural and demographic trend. Undeclared voters are numerous and consistent enough that political actors see both opportunity and risk in them. HB 172 failed, and RSA 654:34, II(b) still lets undeclared voters choose a party ballot at the polls. Future attempts are worth watching as signs of where the lines fall between the parties, independent voters, and how much control voters keep over their own affiliations.
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Corrections: Granite State Report corrects verified errors promptly and appends a dated note identifying what changed and when. The corrections policy and the corrections register are public, and correction notes are never removed.

