An investigative look at how a campaign slogan became a polarizing identity — and why so many Americans now say they hate what it represents.
By Granite State Report
Introduction: From Slogan to Scarlet Letter
Walk through a college campus, an urban neighborhood, or many corporate offices in 2025 with a bright red “Make America Great Again” hat on, and you’re likely to trigger something stronger than simple political disagreement. For a sizable share of Americans, “MAGA Republican” has become shorthand for extremism, racism, election denial, and even political violence.
That anger is not subtle. In national surveys, large majorities of Democrats, and many independents, express very unfavorable views of both Donald Trump and the MAGA movement. (Pew Research Center) Focus groups and qualitative research routinely capture language like “terrified,” “disgusted,” and “ashamed” when voters are asked how they feel about Trump’s brand of Republicanism. (Boston University)
But hatred rarely comes from nowhere. It’s built over time — through lived experience, political messaging, media narratives, and concrete policy choices.
This investigation asks a simple, uncomfortable question: Why do so many Americans say they hate MAGA Republicans?
To answer it, we pull from national polling, peer-reviewed research, and public statements from both supporters and critics of the movement. We focus less on whether those hostile perceptions are “fair” and more on where they come from — and what they tell us about a country increasingly defined by mutual contempt.
What Do We Mean by “MAGA Republicans”?
Before we can understand the backlash, we have to define the target.
The term “MAGA Republican” is not an official category on any ballot. It’s a hybrid of slogan, ideology, and identity centered around Donald Trump and his vision of “Make America Great Again.” Pollsters and researchers have tried to operationalize it in different ways:
- NBC polling has asked voters directly whether they consider themselves “supporters of the MAGA movement.” In a 2025 survey, 71% of self-identified Republicans and 36% of all voters said yes. (AFN)
- A widely cited nationwide survey by public-health and political violence researchers defines “MAGA Republicans” as Republicans who both voted for Trump in 2020 and publicly deny the legitimate result of that election. (cvp.ucdavis.edu)
In practice, “MAGA Republican” usually signals at least four overlapping things:
- Loyalty to Trump personally, including belief that he is unfairly persecuted by the “deep state,” the media, and political opponents. (Pew Research Center)
- Support for Trump’s core policy themes: hard-line immigration enforcement, “America First” nationalism, skepticism of multilateral institutions, hostility to “woke” cultural politics, and aggressive deregulation. (AP News)
- Acceptance of election-related claims — notably that the 2020 election was “rigged” or “stolen,” despite the lack of evidence in court or through official audits. (youtube.com)
- Cultural identity rooted in Christian nationalism, traditional gender roles, and a sense that “real America” is under siege from demographic and cultural change. (PRRI)
Not every Republican fits this profile. Surveys consistently show a meaningful bloc of self-identified Republicans who do not call themselves MAGA supporters and who diverge from Trump on democracy, political violence, and some cultural issues. (Navigator)
But in the public imagination — and increasingly in political science literature — “MAGA Republicans” refers to a hard-core faction inside the GOP whose style, beliefs, and tactics are distinct enough to warrant separate analysis. It’s that faction that draws the most intense negative feelings from opponents.
How Unpopular Is the MAGA Brand?
If you want to understand why people say they hate something, start with how many people dislike it at all. On that score, the MAGA brand is unusually toxic outside its base.
The numbers
- A national NBC News poll in 2023 found the “MAGA movement” was the least popular individual or group tested. Just 24% of Americans had a positive view, while 45% had a negative view. Among independents, only around 12% viewed the movement positively and 45% negatively. (IC24 News)
- Coverage of the same poll noted that a slim majority of Republicans — about 52% — viewed MAGA positively, but the movement was underwater with virtually every other demographic group, especially college-educated voters, younger Americans, and people of color. (IC24 News)
- Separately, national polling has repeatedly found that majorities of Americans view Trump himself unfavorably, with his negatives typically exceeding his positives by high single or double digits. (Pew Research Center)
Other surveys capture the emotional intensity behind those numbers:
- A 2024 study by Boston University’s College of Communication found that nearly half of respondents described their feelings toward Trump as “disgusted” or “repulsed,” even in an election he went on to win. (Boston University)
- Pew Research and university-based surveys show a sharp rise in Americans who describe supporters of the other party as “immoral,” “dishonest,” and “closed-minded” — language that shows up frequently in qualitative descriptions of MAGA Republicans. (Pew Research Center)
In other words: MAGA is not just unpopular; it’s disliked with unusual intensity, especially among non-Republicans.
The Big Drivers of Hostility
So what’s driving that hostility? The reasons cluster into several themes that show up again and again in surveys, academic research, and voter interviews: democracy and the rule of law, race and immigration, culture and gender, policy impacts, and Trump’s own style.
We’ll take them in turn.
1. Democracy, Jan. 6, and Fear of Political Violence
When people explain why they “hate” MAGA Republicans, the conversation frequently moves quickly from policy to democracy itself.
The election denial factor
A defining feature of the MAGA movement is sustained rejection of the 2020 election results. Despite losing every meaningful legal challenge and numerous audits confirming the result, Trump and many of his allies continue to insist the election was stolen. (youtube.com)
Polls show that large shares of Republicans — and especially self-identified MAGA Republicans — say they believe the 2020 election was illegitimate. (cvp.ucdavis.edu) For many non-MAGA Americans, this isn’t just another disagreement; it feels like a direct attack on the basic premise that voters pick leaders, not the other way around.
January 6 as a moral dividing line
[Image placeholder: Crowd of Trump supporters wearing MAGA hats at a rally, 2020. Suggested source: Wisconsin Public Radio photo from Janesville rally.]
The January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol is central to this perception. The bipartisan House committee investigating the event showed in detail how Trump’s false fraud claims, amplified by allies, helped mobilize thousands of supporters who then stormed the Capitol in an effort to block certification of the election. (youtube.com)
Televised hearings, including extensive testimony from Republican officials and law enforcement, painted the attack as an unprecedented assault on the peaceful transfer of power. For millions of viewers, the imagery — rioters in Trump gear beating officers with flagpoles, chanting about hanging the vice president — fused the MAGA brand with anti-democratic violence.
Research: MAGA Republicans and support for violence
Social scientists have tried to test whether this perception lines up with measurable attitudes. One landmark survey, published in PLOS ONE in 2024, looked specifically at “MAGA Republicans” as a subset of the population. It found:
- MAGA Republicans made up about 15% of U.S. adults.
- Compared with other Republicans and non-Republicans, they were significantly more likely to agree that “true American patriots may have to resort to violence” to save the country.
- They were also more likely to endorse conspiratorial beliefs and express distrust of democratic institutions. (PLOS)
Earlier waves of the same research team’s national surveys, and related work in injury-epidemiology journals, similarly flagged elevated support for political violence among Americans who reject election results and strongly identify with Trump. (SpringerLink)
For critics, this is the heart of their hostility: they see MAGA not just as a conservative faction, but as a movement willing to break rules — even violently — to stay in power.
2. Race, Immigration, and Perceived Prejudice
Another major source of antipathy toward MAGA Republicans stems from the belief — widely held among non-white and liberal Americans — that the movement is racially exclusionary and hostile to immigrants.
Trump’s rhetoric and racial norms
From the moment Trump launched his 2016 campaign by describing many Mexican immigrants as “rapists” and criminals, race and immigration have been central to his political brand. His presidency continued that pattern, with high-profile comments targeting Muslims, Black protesters, and migrants, as well as policies like the travel ban and family separations at the border. (Benjamin Ruisch)
Researchers have tried to measure whether that rhetoric changed social norms. A series of 13 studies published in Nature Human Behaviour examined prejudice levels among more than 10,000 Americans over time. The authors found:
- Explicit racial and religious prejudice increased among Trump supporters during his presidency,
- while those same attitudes declined among his opponents. (ResearchGate)
Follow-up analyses and science-press coverage suggest that many Trump supporters appeared to feel newly “licensed” to express previously suppressed prejudices once they saw a president doing so openly. (ScienceDirect)
From the standpoint of those on the receiving end of such rhetoric — immigrants, Muslims, Black Americans, and their allies — this shift is experienced not as “political incorrectness,” but as personal threat. That emotional context helps explain why the response is often hatred, not just criticism.
Christian nationalism and exclusion
Layered on top of racial politics is a robust current of Christian nationalism — the idea that the U.S. should be explicitly defined as a Christian nation — that overlaps heavily with the MAGA base.
A first-of-its-kind 2023 survey by the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI), based on more than 22,000 interviews, mapped support for Christian nationalism across all 50 states. It found:
- About 30% of Americans qualify as either Christian nationalism Adherents or Sympathizers.
- Support for Christian nationalism is strongly linked to Republican Party identification, white evangelical Protestant affiliation, and higher church attendance. (PRRI)
Other PRRI and Pew work has consistently found that large majorities of Americans reject key Christian nationalist propositions, such as the government declaring the U.S. a Christian nation or basing its laws primarily on Christian values. (Word&Way)
To many outside the movement — especially religious minorities, non-religious Americans, and LGBTQ+ people — the fusion of Christian nationalism with MAGA politics reads as a direct challenge to pluralism. The result is not just disagreement, but a sense of being intentionally excluded from the definition of “real” America.
Immigration enforcement and targeted fear
Finally, Trump’s immigration policies have disproportionately hit Latino communities, refugees, and mixed-status families. Recent Pew-based reporting by the Associated Press and Reuters found that:
- Around two-thirds of Hispanic adults now disapprove of Trump’s immigration policies in his second term.
- Roughly half worry that they or someone close to them could be deported, and many report changing their daily routines out of fear. (AP News)
When a political movement is associated — in your family, neighborhood, or church — with raids, expulsions, or legal vulnerability, “hate” is not an abstract sentiment. It’s a survival response.
3. Culture, Gender, and the “Anti-Woke” Crusade
MAGA Republicanism is not just about policy; it is a cultural project. For many supporters, its appeal lies in a promise to push back against what they see as suffocating progressive norms on race, gender, and sexuality.
For opponents, the same agenda looks like a direct attack on basic dignity and rights.
From bathrooms to bookshelves
Across red and purple states, Republican officials aligned with Trump have backed or enacted laws limiting discussion of race, gender identity, and sexual orientation in schools; restricting access to gender-affirming care; banning certain books; and narrowing abortion access. (People For)
Public opinion on these issues is complicated, but several trends stand out:
- National polls show broad support for some limits on gender transitions for minors and for parental say in curricula — but strong opposition to sweeping book bans and blanket bans on discussing LGBTQ topics in schools. (Pew Research Center)
- The same surveys show big age and education gaps: younger and college-educated Americans are far more likely to see the MAGA cultural agenda as intolerant or authoritarian. (Pew Research Center)
For LGBTQ Americans, women needing reproductive care, and people whose lives are directly touched by these laws, the MAGA brand has become synonymous with state-backed intrusion into intimate decisions. That is fertile ground for bitter resentment.
Gender and masculinity politics
Researchers have also noted the gendered nature of MAGA rhetoric: paeans to “tough” policing and military strength, mocking of “snowflakes,” and nostalgia for a world where traditional male roles were clearer.
Work in political psychology has linked “masculine status anxiety” and traditional gender attitudes to support for Trump and right-wing populism more broadly. (Denis Saklakov Website) For many feminist and gender-equality advocates, then, MAGA is read as a backlash movement — a demand to roll back gains in women’s equality and queer visibility.
The reaction, in turn, is fierce.
4. Policy Pain: Health Care, Social Programs, and Project 2025
Hatred toward a political movement is often fueled by concrete harms or threats to people’s material lives, not just rhetoric. MAGA Republicanism is no exception.
Cuts to the safety net
Trump-aligned Republicans have advanced major tax and spending proposals framed as pro-growth and pro-freedom — but often deeply unpopular with the broader public.
One recent example: a “mega-bill” of tax reforms and cuts to social programs championed by Trump and House Republicans in 2025. Multiple national polls found:
- 64% of adults viewed the package unfavorably, versus 35% favorably, in Kaiser Family Foundation tracking.
- Two-thirds opposed Medicaid funding cuts, which were central to the bill, while modestly supporting certain work-requirement provisions. (Politico)
The pattern has been similar on repeated Republican attempts — often backed by Trump — to repeal or weaken the Affordable Care Act, trim Social Security or Medicare growth, or cut food assistance. In each case, a populist conservative agenda has collided with the reality that government benefits are deeply woven into voters’ lives.
When your health coverage or grocery budget feels like collateral damage in someone else’s ideological project, dislike for that project hardens quickly.
Project 2025 as a lightning rod
A more recent flashpoint is Project 2025, a sweeping blueprint for a future conservative administration drafted by allied think tanks and aligned with many of Trump’s publicly stated goals. Its proposals include rolling back federal protections for abortion and LGBTQ rights, slashing climate and environmental rules, and centralizing power in the presidency. (Navigator)
Polling by Navigator Research, summarized by nonpartisan outlets, found:
- Only about 9–12% of Americans view Project 2025 favorably.
- Roughly 50–60% view it unfavorably once they’ve heard basic descriptions of its provisions.
- Even among Republicans, non-MAGA Republicans are far more skeptical than MAGA supporters. (Navigator)
For many Americans, especially those already uneasy about democratic backsliding, Project 2025 is seen as the logical endpoint of MAGA politics: a comprehensive plan to reshape the federal government along illiberal, majoritarian lines. That perception intensifies animosity toward the movement that birthed it.
5. Affective Polarization: It’s Not Just MAGA
To keep this analysis honest, we have to note that hatred runs in multiple directions.
Pew Research’s 2022 report on partisan hostility found that majorities of both Republicans and Democrats now see the other party’s policies as “so misguided that they threaten the nation’s well-being.” (Pew Research Center) A large share also describe members of the opposing party as immoral, dishonest, or unintelligent.
Political scientists call this affective polarization — a rise in negative feelings toward out-parties that is often more intense than any positive feeling toward one’s own side. (The Center for Politics at UVA)
Trump’s rise turbocharged this dynamic, partly by design. His style prizes confrontation and public enemy-making. Studies of campaign rhetoric and social media behavior have shown that negative emotions — especially anger and fear — are powerful predictors of support for populist candidates like Trump. (PsyPost – Psychology News)
So when we ask why people hate MAGA Republicans, part of the answer is: because American politics has increasingly trained all of us to hate our political opposites. MAGA is simply the most visible, emotionally loaded symbol on the right side of that divide.
6. Media Ecosystems and the Narrative War
How people learn about MAGA Republicans also shapes whether they hate them.
Two information universes
Media-consumption studies show that Republicans and Democrats now live in largely separate information ecosystems. Right-leaning voters cluster around conservative cable news, talk radio, and social platforms; liberals around mainstream newspapers, public broadcasters, and left-leaning digital outlets. (Pew Research Center)
In the liberal and mainstream press, coverage of MAGA has focused heavily on:
- Jan. 6 and election denial
- Links between Trump rhetoric and hate crimes
- Project 2025 and threats to democratic norms
- Quotes from MAGA figures that are sexist, racist, or conspiratorial
Documentaries from outlets like FRONTLINE have spent hours dissecting Trump’s “takeover” of the Republican Party and documenting efforts to overturn the 2020 election. (youtube.com)
Suggested video embeds:
- Trump’s Takeover – FRONTLINE documentary on Trump’s capture of the GOP (YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ra9MoBLvDYQ) (youtube.com)
- Plot to Overturn the Election – FRONTLINE & ProPublica on the building of the fraud narrative (YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=90O-q7dgS-I) (youtube.com)
- January 6 Committee: Full Hearings – PBS NewsHour playlist (YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLgawtcOBBjr-xOvmmc6y3VsbjfXqJXsfl) (youtube.com)
In the MAGA-aligned media universe, by contrast, the same events are often framed as deep-state setups, partisan witch hunts, or overblown by a hostile press. (Financial Times)
The result:
- Non-MAGA audiences are fed a steady diet of the movement at its worst — violence, bigotry, and power-grabbing.
- MAGA audiences see themselves as victims of relentless distortion and character assassination.
That feedback loop both creates and justifies mutual hatred.
Visualizing the divide
[Image placeholder: Wide shot of a crowd in red MAGA hats filling the approach to Madison Square Garden, 2024. Suggested source: Fox News photo of MSG rally.]
Images like this — massive rallies bathed in red hats — function as Rorschach tests in today’s media environment. To supporters, they symbolize patriotism and democratic energy. To critics, they symbolize a cult of personality and the normalization of extremism.
7. Who Hates MAGA — and Who Doesn’t
The hostility toward MAGA Republicans is not evenly distributed. The same NBC-based polling that found the movement widely unpopular overall showed clear demographic splits:
- Strongly negative views among Black Americans, most non-white voters, college-educated whites, and urban/suburban residents.
- More positive or mixed views among white, non-college, rural voters — key pillars of Trump’s coalition. (IC24 News)
Other polling gives more texture:
- Pew’s analysis of the 2024 election found that Trump’s winning coalition was more racially and ethnically diverse than in 2016, but still anchored in white voters — particularly whites without college degrees. (Pew Research Center)
- Among Latino voters, support for Trump rose in 2024 but has fallen since, as many now say his policies have actively harmed their community. (AP News)
So who hates MAGA Republicans most?
- Democrats and left-leaning independents, especially highly educated and younger voters, whose media feeds and social networks lean heavily anti-Trump.
- Racial and religious minorities who perceive MAGA as centered on white, Christian, native-born identity.
- People in professions and communities targeted by Trump’s rhetoric — journalists, civil-servants, teachers, and certain public-sector workers.
On the flip side, many MAGA Republicans feel equally intense hostility toward liberals, the media, and “RINOs” (Republicans in Name Only) whom they see as corrupt elites or traitors. (Pew Research Center)
The hatred is mutual — but it isn’t symmetric in power. MAGA Republicans currently dominate the Republican Party and, as of 2025, hold the presidency again. For people who fear what they’ll do with that power, hatred blends into a kind of ongoing emergency posture.
8. The Human Stories Behind the Data
Polls and studies can flatten real lives into percentages. Behind the numbers, you find people whose experiences make their feelings about MAGA deeply personal.
Immigrants and mixed-status families
For a mixed-status family in Texas or California, the Trump/MAGA era has meant increased raids, a heightened risk of deportation for a sibling or parent, and kids learning to carry proof of citizenship. Pew-based surveys show many Latinos have changed daily routines out of fear: avoiding driving, public events, or contact with authorities. (AP News)
Under those conditions, “I hate MAGA Republicans” isn’t a social-media posture; it’s shorthand for “the people whose policies might break up my family.”
People targeted by rhetoric
When Trump talks about “thugs,” “animals,” or “vermin,” people in the communities implicitly referenced — Black Lives Matter protesters, migrants, Muslims — often hear themselves. (Benjamin Ruisch)
Researchers who have followed hate-crime trends and online harassment patterns have documented spikes after high-profile presidential rhetoric, particularly against Muslims and Latinos. (ScienceDirect) For those on the receiving end of slurs or violence, it is easy to see MAGA Republicans as not just complicit but actively cheering their dehumanization.
Law enforcement and democracy workers
Even within traditionally conservative communities, there is resentment. Capitol Police officers beaten on January 6, local election administrators facing death threats, and Republican state officials who certified the 2020 result despite pressure have all testified to feeling betrayed by the party’s MAGA wing. (youtube.com)
Some of them now use language — “authoritarian,” “dangerous,” “un-American” — that mirrors the harshest rhetoric of liberal critics. Their anger carries extra weight because many were once aligned with the same movement they now condemn.
9. How MAGA Republicans Experience Being Hated
To understand the full dynamic, we also have to acknowledge how MAGA Republicans experience themselves as objects of hatred.
Perceived persecution
Focus groups and interviews with Trump voters consistently reveal a sense of embattlement. Many describe being mocked in workplaces, censored on social media, or socially ostracized for wearing MAGA gear. (youtube.com)
Some explicitly compare the stigma of being a MAGA supporter to other forms of discrimination — a claim that is controversial but emotionally powerful within the movement.
“They hate us, not just our policies”
Political scientists studying “negative partisanship” have found that Trump supporters are highly motivated by dislike and fear of Democrats — not only disagreement with their policies, but a belief that liberals look down on them as ignorant, racist, or irredeemable. (The Center for Politics at UVA)
When Hillary Clinton referred in 2016 to a “basket of deplorables,” or when Joe Biden in 2022 described “MAGA Republicans” as threatening the “very foundations of our republic,” many in the movement heard confirmation that powerful elites truly despise them. (Salon.com)
That mutual contempt can become self-reinforcing:
- The more MAGA supporters feel despised, the more tightly they bond around Trump as their champion.
- The more defiant and aggressive the movement becomes, the more its critics feel justified in hating it.
It’s a feedback loop, and it’s not clear who benefits, other than media algorithms and hyper-polarized politicians.
10. Where Does This Leave American Democracy?
So why do people hate MAGA Republicans? Pulling the threads together, we can say:
- Substantive fears: Many Americans believe MAGA Republicans represent a concrete threat to democracy, minority rights, and the rule of law — a concern backed by evidence of election denial, openness to political violence, and sweeping plans to transform government. (PLOS)
- Identity clashes: The movement’s embrace of white-inflected Christian nationalism, traditional gender norms, and hard-line immigration policies directly conflicts with the values and lived experiences of a more diverse, pluralistic society. (PRRI)
- Policy impacts: Trump-aligned legislation on health care, social programs, and rights expansions threatens or harms material conditions for many voters, who rightly connect those harms to the MAGA wing of the GOP. (Politico)
- Polarized media and emotions: A fractured information ecosystem and rising affective polarization amplify every misstep and provocation, rewarding outrage and painting opponents in their worst possible light. (Pew Research Center)
None of that requires us to treat MAGA Republicans as monsters. It does, however, help explain why so many Americans experience the movement as something more dangerous than a normal partisan faction.
Can hatred be dialed down?
There’s nothing inevitable about rage being the dominant political emotion. Evidence from comparative politics suggests that democratic systems can absorb intense disagreements when political actors accept basic rules of the game and when cross-cutting identities — union membership, church, neighborhood, professional networks — keep people from seeing each other only as enemies. (Pew Research Center)
Right now, MAGA Republicanism sits at the center of a vortex where rule-breaking, identity threat, and economic anxiety meet. That doesn’t absolve its critics of their own obligations to remain truthful and proportionate. But it explains why, for many Americans, the red hat is no longer just a hat.
It is a symbol of a political project they believe would make the country less free, less fair, and less democratic — and that belief, backed by both data and lived experience, is why so many don’t just oppose MAGA Republicans. They hate them.
- Jan. 6 Committee Full Hearings – PBS NewsHour Playlist
Primary-source testimony on the Capitol attack and efforts to overturn the 2020 election.
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLgawtcOBBjr-xOvmmc6y3VsbjfXqJXsfl (youtube.com)
- Voters from All Seven Battleground States – CBS News “Face the Nation” Focus Group
Voters across the spectrum discuss Trump, Biden/Harris, and polarization heading into 2024.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3WaaVvPVRNE (youtube.com)
- Plot to Overturn the Election – FRONTLINE & ProPublica
Detailed reporting on how false fraud narratives were built and weaponized.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=90O-q7dgS-I (youtube.com)
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IC24News. (2023, April 25). ‘MAGA movement’ widely unpopular, new poll finds. IC24News, summarizing an NBC News national poll. https://ic24news.com/news/maga-movement-widely-unpopular-new-poll-finds (IC24 News)
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